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Rape-Prone Versus Rape-Free Campus CulturesPublished in VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN,Vol.
PEGGY REEVES SANDAY AbstractUtilizing the concept of rape-free and rape-prone societies, I suggest that the next step for rape research is to investigate rape-free campus environments.
Based on the articles in this volume and ethnographic research, I summarize what is known about rape-prone fraternity cultures and compare this information with a rape free fraternity culture.
The question of the criteria by which campuses might be labelled rape free or rape prone is raised.
In Fraternity Gang Rape Sanday 1990 I describe the discourse, rituals, sexual ideology, and practices that make some fraternity environments rape prone.
The reaction of fraternity brothers to the book was decidedly mixed.
Individuals in some chapters were motivated to rethink their initiation ritual and party behavior.
To make matters worse, his rationalization for opting out is based on a trumped up charge.
For example, venting homoerotic desire in the gang rape of women who are treated as male property is the subject of several biblical stories.
Susan Brownmiller describes instances of gang rape by men in war and in street gangs.
Male bonding that rejects women and commodifies sex is evident in many other social contexts outside of universities.
Thus, it would be wrong to place blame solely on fraternities.
As an anthropologist interested in the particulars of sexual ideologies cross-culturally, I am very wary of generalizations of any sort.
The articles in this issue of Violence Against Women present three empirically based articles on the relationship between all-male organizations on college campuses and sexual assault.
The article by Schwartz and Nogrady confirm the finding reported by Koss and Gaines 1993 that continue reading membership does not predict self-reported sexual assault.
The very different results reported by Boeringer, however, suggest that we need to be careful in jumping to wholesale sorry, free blackjack training software consider regarding the role of all-male organizations.
The results reported by Crosset et.
The research reported by Schwartz and Nogrady and Boeringer is of interest to me as an ethnographer for the amplification of real free rape cultural context of sexual assault on college campuses.
Their different results are surprising only if we assume that fraternities are culturally homogeneous.
From the view point of a cultural anthropologist such an assumption is unwarranted unless we can show that the same templates for behavior are present in all fraternities.
The question of variation both in campus cultures and fraternities is the subject of this paper.
In the following, I will briefly summarize what we know about rape-prone fraternity cultures and contrast this information with what a rape-free context might look like.
Since the available data are sparse my goal here is mostly programmatic, namely to encourage studies of intra- campus and cross-campus variation in the rates and correlates of sexual assault.
RAPE-PRONE CAMPUS ENVIRONMENTSThe concept of rape-free versus rape-prone comes from my study of 95 band and tribal societies in which I concluded that 47% were rape free is thai cupid free 18% were rape prone Sanday 1981.
For this study I defined a rape-prone society as one in which the incidence of rape is reported by observers to be high, or rape is excused as a ceremonial expression of masculinity, or rape is an act by which men are allowed to punish or threaten women.
I defined a rape-free society as one in which the act of rape is either infrequent or does not occur.
Thus, while there may be some men in all societies who might be potential rapists, there is abundant evidence from many societies that sexual aggression is rarely expressed.
Rape in tribal societies is part of a cultural configuration that includes interpersonal violence, male dominance, and sexual separation.
Rape-prone behavior is associated with environmental insecurity and females are turned into objects to be controlled as men struggle to retain or to gain control of their environment.
Behaviors and attitudes prevail that separate the sexes and force men into a posture of proving their manhood.
Sexual violence is one of the ways in which men remind themselves that they are superior.
As such, rape is part of a broader struggle for control in the face of difficult circumstances.
Where men are in harmony with their environment, rape is usually absent.
The phallus becomes the dominant symbol of discourse.
A fraternity brother described to me the way in which he felt accepted by the brothers while he was a pledge.
By including me in this perpetual, hysterical banter and sharing laughter with me, they showed their affection for me.
I felt happy, confident, and loved.
This really helped my feelings of loneliness and my fear of being sexually unappealing.
We managed to give ourselves a satisfying substitute for sexual relations.
We acted out all of the sexual tensions between us as brothers on a verbal level.
Women, women everywhere, feminists, homosexuality, etc.
Watching their buddies have sex is another favorite activity in rape- prone campus environments.
A woman is targeted at a party and brothers are informed who hide out on the roof outside the window, or secret themselves in a closet, or look through holes in the wall.
It is assumed that if she came to the house to party she is prepared for anything that might happen, especially if she gets drunk.
This case involved six members of the St.
Johns University lacrosse team who were indicted for acts ranging from unlawful imprisonment and sexual abuse to sodomy.
A seventh defendant pleaded guilty and agreed to testify for immunity see Sanday 1996 for a description of the case and the subsequent trial.
From the testimony in the case and interviews with the complainant and members of the prosecution team, I reconstructed the following scenario.
share www free downdload think young, naive woman student, whom I call Angela pseudonymaccepted a ride home from school from a male friend, Michael.
On the way, he stopped at the house he shares with members of the St.
Johns lacrosse team to get gas money and invited her inside.
At first she refused check this out go in but upon his insistence accepted the invitation.
Inside she met his roommates.
Left alone in the third floor bedroom, she accepted a drink from Michael.
The drink tasted terrible.
It was bitter and stung her throat.
When she asked what was in it, Michael said he put a little vodka in it.
Finally, she gave into his pressure and downed the contents of the first cup in a few gulps because of the bitter taste.
When she finished, Michael went over to the refrigerator and brought back a large container, which he said was orange soda with vodka.
He placed the container on the floor beside her feet.
She was caught between wanting to please the host and wanting to assert her own needs.
She had tried https://casinos-jackpot.site/free/fantastic-four-free-stream.html please him by finishing the first drink.
Now, she drank the second.
Then, he poured a third drink.
When she balked at drinking this one, he started getting upset and annoyed.
He told her it was a special drink, made just for her.
He accused her of making him waste it.
He started pushing the drink up to her mouth.
He put his hands over the cup and pushed it to her lips.
She felt lost, unable to move.
She had spent a life time doing what she was told to avoid being punished.
Her head was spinning and she began to feel really sick, like she was going to vomit.
Michael sat next to her and massaged her shoulder.
She would never forget his pseudo-seductive voice.
She hardly knew him, and here he was talking to her like he really cared for her.
It was so obviously a put on, she was shocked by the insincerity.
You are too tense.
If you relax, you will feel better.
After Michael left the house, these three took their turns while visitors invited over from another lacrosse team house watched.
At the trial these visitors testified that they left the room when Angela woke up and started screaming.
One of the lead prosecutors speculated that they left because real free rape realized only then that she was not consenting.
They did not understand that the law applies to using drugs and alcohol as it does to using force.
CROSS-CAMPUS VARIATION IN RAPE AND SEXUAL COERCION In his paper, Boeringer reports that 55.
Schwartz and Nogrady found a much lower incidence of sexual coercion and assault at their research site, a large midwestern university.
These authors private communication reported that 18.
Of the 177 women interviewed 58.
The effect of fraternities is quite different on the two campuses.
Boeringer found that fraternity men reported a higher overall use of coercion free minimal tumblr of physical force to obtain sex.
Schwartz and Nogrady find no effect of fraternity membership.
The most important predictor of sexual victimization in their study involves alcohol.
It is not drinking per se that they found important, but whether or not a male perceives that his friends approve of getting a woman drunk for the purpose of having sex the APPROVE variable.
Also important is whether a male reports that he has friends that actually engage in this behavior the GETDRUNK variable.
The latter result suggests that we need to look at cross-campus variation as well as at intra-campus variation.
There are several problems that need to be addressed before either intra- or cross-campus variation can be established.
First, in studying intra-campus variation we must be careful in reaching conclusions about the effect of real free rape factors as drinking intensity or fraternity membership because the dependent variable is frequently lifetime prevalence rates rather than incidence in the past year.
Regarding cross-campus variation, there is the problem of comparability of studies.
Boeringer private communicationfor example, measures prevalence rates in his study, while Schwartz and Nogrady private communication measure incidence.
Since incidence rates are always lower, we cannot conclude that the campuses studied by these authors are that much different.
Additionally, as noted by Schwartz and Nogrady as well as by Koss 1993victimization rates from one study to another may not be comparable because of different methodologies, definitions, questions, and sampling procedures.
Nevertheless, some trends can be noticed.
She found that free miss varied by region and by governance of the institution.
Rates were twice as high at private colleges and major universities 14% and 17% respectively than they were at religiously affiliated institutions 7%.
More white women 16% reported victimization than did Hispanic l2%Black l0%or Asian women 7%.
These figures were almost reversed for men.
Rape was reported by 4% of white men, 10% of black men, 7% of Hispanic men, and 2% of Asian men.
Prevalence rates reported by men also differed by region of the country.
More men in the Southeast region 6% admitted to raping compared with men in the Plains states 3% and those in the West 2% Koss 1988:12.
The results show a wide discrepancy when campuses are compared.
free ufc fight night stream percentages of males who admit to perpetrating unwanted sex in the past year as opposed to since the age of 14 range from 6% to 22%.
The latter percentages are higher because I computed them using all the sexual experience questions excluding the two authority questions.
The Koss survey includes two questions that might be taken as measures of drinking intensity.
check this out questions are asked in such a fashion as to measure drinking intensity in the past year.
The campus https://casinos-jackpot.site/free/free-soccerfootball-match-predictionsbetting-tipspreviews.html of males checking the most extreme categories of the second question more than 5 or 6 cans of beer or other alcoholic beverages ranges from 6% to 71%.
Since all studies— Schwartz, Boeringer, Koss and Gaines 1993 —are unanimous on the effect of drinking this information, perhaps more than any other, is suggestive of variation in the rape prone nature of campus real free rape />My cross-cultural research which demonstrated differences in the character of heterosexual interaction in rape free as opposed to rape prone societies would suggest that the answer to this question is yes.
The outstanding feature of rape-free societies is the ceremonial importance of women and the respect accorded the contribution women make to social continuity, a respect which places men and women in relatively balanced power spheres.
Rape-free societies are characterized by sexual equality and the notion that the sexes are complementary.
Although the sexes may not perform the same duties or have the same rights or privileges, each is indispensable to the activities of the other.
Since 1981 when this research was published, I spent approximately twenty- four months extended over a period of fourteen years doing ethnographic research among the Minangkabau, a rape free Indonesian society.
I chose the Minangkabau because of social factors that conformed with my profile of rape- free societies.
The Minangkabau are the largest and most modern matrilineal society in the world free runs />Women play an undisputed role in Minangkabau symbol system and daily life, especially in the villages.
Among the most populous of the ethnic groups of Indonesia, the Minangkabau are not an isolated tribal society in some far off corner of the world.
Banks, universities, modern governmental buildings are found in two of the major cities of West Sumatra, the traditional homeland of the Minangkabau people.
At the major universities, it is not uncommon to find Minangkabau Ph.
People own cars and travel by bus throughout the province.
Most children go to local schools, and many increasingly attend college.
The challenge facing me when I went to West Sumatra was first to find out whether the incidence of rape was low and if so to crack the cultural code that made it click the following article />In the early years there was ample evidence from police reports and from interviews conducted all over the province that this was a rape free society.
Ethnographic research conducted in several villages provided confirmation.
This research demonstrated that women are the mainstays of village life.
The all important family rice fields are inherited through the female line.
Husbands live in their casino no surveys double down free chips houses.
It is believed real free rape this is the way it should be, because otherwise in the event of a divorce women and children would be left destitute.
The main reason given for the matrilineal inheritance of property is that since women bear the infant and raise the child it is in keeping with the laws of nature to give women control of the ancestral property so that they will have the wherewithal to house and nurture the young.
Missing from the Minangkabau conception of sexuality is any show of interest in sex for the sake of sex alone.
Sex is neither a commodity nor a notch in the male belt in this society.
Although aggression is present, it is not linked to sex nor is it deemed a manly trait.
The Minangkabau have yet to discover sex as a commodity or turn it into a fetish.
Rape is conceived as something that happens in the wild which places men who rape beyond the pale of society.
In answer to my questions regarding the relative absence of rape among them compared to the United States, Minangkabau informants replied that rape was impossible in their society because custom, law, and religion forbade it and punished it severely.
In the years that I worked in West Sumatra, I heard of only two cases of rape in the village where I lived.
One case involved a group of males who ganged up on a young, retarded woman.
In this case the leader of the group hanged himself the next day out of fear of avenging villagers.
The rest of the assailants went to jail.
The second case involved a local woman and a Japanese soldier during the Japanese occupation of the second world war and after.
To this day people remember the case and talk about the horror of the Japanese occupation.
In 1995 the signs that this culture was filtering into Minangkabau villages were very evident.
To the extent that commodification and eroticization breaks down the cultural supports for its matrilineal social system, the Minangkabau sexual culture will also change.
Indeed, today in the provincial capital some argue that the Minangkabau are not rape free.
During my last field trip in 1995, I heard of many more reports of rape in the provincial capital.
Interviewing court officers in the capital, I was told that this was the only case of its kind.
Compared with similar cases in the U.
Johns case, the outcome was still very different.
Johns defendants were either acquitted or got probation after pleading guilty, all the defendants in the Sumatran case were convicted and sent to jail.
But, one may well ask whether the criminal justice system will continue to convict defendants as tolerance for sexual coercion begins to permeate popular beliefs.
RAPE-FREE CAMPUS CULTURES A rape-free campus is relatively easy to imagine, but hard to find.
Based on anecdotal information one candidate comes to mind.
On this campus everyone, administrators, faculty, and students are on a click to see more basis, which makes the atmosphere more egalitarian than most campuses.
Decision making is by consensus and interpersonal interaction is guided by an ethic of respect for the individual.
Those who are disrespectful of others are ostracized as campus life is motivated by a strong sense of community and the common good.
No one group such as fraternities, males, or athletes dominates the social scene.
Sexual assault is a serious offense treated with suspension or expulsion.
Homophobic, racist, and sexist attitudes are virtually nonexistent.
Individuals bond together in groups not to turn against others but because they are drawn together by mutual interests.
Interviews suggest that the incidence of unwanted sex on this campus is low, however this must be corroborated by a campus-wide survey.
For information on a rape free fraternity culture I turn to a description offered by a student who wrote a mini-ethnography go here his fraternity for a class project.
Corroboration of his description was offered by another brother in the same fraternity who read the ethnography and added additional information.
In the following, the fraternity is referred to by the pseudonym QRS.
With their permission, the fraternity brothers are identified by name.
Noel Morrison and Josh Marcus recognize that fraternities on their campus called U.
QRS, however, consciously fights against this norm.
QRS is one of the oldest fraternities at U.
It was like all other fraternities at U.
At that time, a group of nine first year males pledged as a group knowing that their numbers would give them control of house decisions.
They exercised this control by rewriting the house constitution and initiation rituals.
At QRS heavy drinking is not a requisite for membership and is not a part of initiation.
There are no drinking games and binge drinking does not occur.
At parties there are always brothers who watch out for women or house members who have had too much to drink.
Members are very aware that where there is heavy drinking someone can be taken advantage of.
If a female passes out or is very drunk she is watched or escorted home.
Both Josh and Noel remember an incident during a party in the fraternity next door, in which several members of QRS came to the aide of a young woman whose shirt was above her waist and who had passed out on their porch, left there perhaps by friends from the party who had deserted her.
Their intervention may have saved her life.
When they were unable to get her to talk, they took her to the emergency room of a nearby hospital only to learn that she was in a coma and her heart had stopped.
Fortunately, they were in time and she responded to treatment.
Women are not seen as sex objects in the house, but as friends.
However, at QRS this is unheard of.
The brothers are not afraid of strong women.
I remember last year in the middle of midterms I was studying late at night and was feeling sick and tired, and in a span of about five minutes, four people offered their beds to me, not as a sexual thing at all, but just because they cared.
Homophobia does not become the basis for males to prove their virility to one another.
Although most fraternities have had or have a few homosexual brothers, this honest acceptance of homosexuality is unusual.
The next step was to change outmoded rape laws and assess the causes and frequency of sexual violence against women.
Since the eighties many other surveys have replicated her findings.
The search for causes has been the subject of numerous studies, including those represented in this volume.
The next step is to go beyond the causes and study solutions.
QRS is one example.
No rape-free campuses have been identified by research, yet I have heard descriptions from students that lead me to believe that such campuses exist.
Identifying such campuses and seeking out environments like QRS is the next step for research.
In this paper I have identified the kinds of problems such research must address.
First, it is necessary to obtain incidence as well as prevalence data.
Finally, we need to develop a consensus on the criteria for labelling a campus either rape free or rape prone.
If at least one-in-five women on a given campus say they have experienced unwanted sex in the last year, I would label the campus rape prone.
However, others may want to real free rape different criteria.
Once a consensus is reached, the movement to make our campuses safe for women might include identifying rape-free and rape-prone campuses.
Against Our Will:Men Women and Rape.
New York: Simon and Schuster.
Hidden rape: Sexual aggression and victimization in a national sample of students in higher education.
Rape: Scope, Impact, Interventions, and Public Policy Responses.
Facing the Facts: Date and Acquaintance Rape are Significant Problems for women.
Current Controversies on Family Violence 104-119.
Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
The prediction of sexual aggression by alcohol use, athletic participation, and fraternity affiliation.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence 8, 94-108.
The socio-cultural context of rape:a cross-cultural study.
Journal of Social Issues, 37, 5-27.
Fraternity Gang Rape: Sex, Brotherhood and Privilege on Campus.
New York:New York University Press.
A Woman Scorned:Acquaintance Rape on Trial.
FOOTNOTES This article has benefited from the comments of Mary P.
I am also grateful to Koss for supplying me with the data on her 1986 study of 32 campuses.
Schwartz and Scot B.
Boerginer graciously supplied me with additional data from their studies and answered my many questions.
Noel Morrison played an important role by giving me permission to summarize his description of his fraternity.
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